Scene 40, Carroballistae. Used with permission. Copywrite Peter Rockwell. Via http://www.stoa.org/trajan/images/hi/1.12.h.jpg

Trajan’s column gives a glimpse of life at war and war technology during Trajan’s campaign against the Dacians.  One particular insight on the column shows the use of wagons and siege equipment specifically a carroballistae. This type of ballista was mounted to a cart with two eight spoke wheels and drawn by mules or horses. This is an assumed technological advancement allowing for mobile artillery. Richmond suggests that it is “much like a hopper-trailer of a modern field gun (13). The wagon was serviced by two soldiers. One soldier seems to be loading and the other preparing the torrsion propulsion system.

The ballista was mounted on a cart were one man took position on the back to aim and fire the bolt while another solider likely wound the winch to create the needed tension for firing. Disputes amoung scholars has suggested the carts were only used to transport the ballistaes during the campaign; however, depictions on the column show the ballistaes loaded. This would have been a very dangerous way to transport them. Also, there is evidence that ballistaes mounted on carts or charriots have been seen on other forms of archeology (Wikipedia).

Scene 40, Soldiers above ballistae. Used with permission. Copywrite Peter Rockwell. Via http://www.stoa.org/trajan/images/hi/1.10.h.jpg

The viewer must keep in mind that Trajan’s Column is monument to a victorious campaign on a monochrome stone medium. It was carved by a scuplter rather than a soldier. The portrayal of the soldiers are too simplistic to be a rendition of actual soldiers in battle. Evidence of this can be seen in the uniforms as well as in the incorrect representations of the ballista.  The depictions are meant to be decisively recognized as roman. (Richmond, 14).

Works Cited 

“Carroballista.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundations. Mar. 6 2011. Web. Mar 8 2012. 

Richmond, I. A. “Trajan’s Army on Trajan’s Column.: Papers  of the British School at Rome. Vol. 13 (1935), pp. 1-40. JSTOR Web. Feb 28 2012.

Rockwell, Peter. Soldiers above ballistae. Trajan’s Column. Photograph. The McMaster Trajan Project.  1999. 8 Mar. 2012. Web.

Rockwell, Peter. Carroballistae. Trajan’s Column. Photograph. The McMaster Trajan Project.  1999. 8 Mar. 2012. Web.

“In the field, the bones of the soldiers lay scattered about, each where he had fallen either standing his ground or trying to flee. There were bits of weapons, and the bones of horses amongst them, and human heads had been nailed to the trunks of the surrounding trees. In these groves stood the barbarian altars where the tribunes and leading centurions had been sacrificed.” – Tacitus

In 9 AD, thirty thousand legionaries and their commander, Quinctilius Varus, were massacred deep within the Teutoberg forest. Led by the ex-auxiliary Arminius, the German tribesmen hunted the scattered legions as they desperately tried to extricate themselves from the forests and bogs of Northern Germany. Shrouded in mystery, even the search for this famous battleground has been going on for more than four hundred years (Damien). The discovery of Roman coins, among other things, have indicated a site near Osnabrück, Germany (Damien).

Approximate location of the Battle of Teutoberg

The Germanic tribes were polar opposites of the Roman legions. While the Romans carried pilum, sword, shield, and fought heavily armored, the Germans carried a light shield made of sticks, a short iron-headed spear, called a frameae, and usually fought naked (Tacitus 40). Unlike the organized and silent Roman charge, the German Furor Teutonicus was a wedge formation of wild, bellowing ferocity that could ‘easily keep up with a cavalry encounter’ (Tacitus). Their remarkable speed is probably what made it possible for them to attack and then vanish into the woods as suddenly as they had appeared (Matyszak 99). The Germans were also reported to be “frighteningly large”, living mostly on a diet of meat, milk, and cheese, and of having a great fondness for beer (Matyszak; Tacitus).  As time passed on, the Germans were becoming more and more Romanized as they traded with them for alcohol and fought alongside them as mercenaries and auxiliaries.

Arminius, a young nobleman of the Cherusci tribe, was one such auxiliary. Velleius describes him as “strong of hand and quick of mind and far more intelligent than your average barbarian . . . the ardour of his face and eyes showed the burning spirit within” (Matyszak 167). Arminius fought in several Roman campaigns and had not only earned Roman citizenship, but was even elevated to the rank of Equestrian. However, Arminius did not appreciate the treatment given to his fellow tribesmen and was in reality deeply disgusted by Roman civilization (Matyszak 168). His experience in the army was both a catalyst and an advantage as he plotted against the Romans.

In the autumn of AD 9 reports of disturbances set Varus and his legions in motion. Segestes, another tribal leader, warned Varus that he was walking right into an ambush. Varus ignored Segestes’ advice, firstly on the grounds that Segestes’ was biased, since Arminius and Segestes’ daughter had recently eloped, and secondly because Varus trusted Arminius.

A forest in Germany. This image is what the Forest of Teutoberg may have looked like to a Roman Legionary

The Legions were already having trouble as they entered the Teutoberg forest; the densely packed trees forced the legions to spread out and made transportation of carts and building of roads very difficult. A few days travel had the legions, plus their wives, children, and servants, spread far apart deep within the forest. Without warning, the Germans attacked. Arminius herded the confused and poorly led Romans between the forest and a nearby marsh, picking them off until the entire army was destroyed.

Arminius’ men were ordered to search for Varus’ body; when they had found him, Arminius had the commander’s head sent Maroboduus of the Marcomanni tribe. He hoped that this victory would convince the chieftain out of his stubborn neutrality (Matyszak 171). Maroboduus was not impressed and passed Varus’ head along to Rome.

A coin found near Osnabruck featuring the head of Quinctilius Varus

The news of the annihilation of Varus’ legions was panic-inducing; with the legions gone, the Alps were the only thing standing between Rome and the Germanic hordes. Emperor Augustus ordered an emergency levy and moved Legion V Alaudae north to fill the gap. The numbers of the lost legions, XVII, XVIII, and XIX, were never used again. Although Augustus acted swiftly, he was deeply affected by the loss. Even months afterward, he would bang his head against the wall shouting “Quinctilius Varus, give me back my legions!”

Works Cited

Tacitus, Publius Cornelius.  Agricola and Germany. Trans. A.R. Birley. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. Print.

Damien, Gregory. “Coin clues to lost legions.” History Today. 40.8 (Aug90) 3. Web. 29 Feb. 2012.

Matyszak, Philip. Legionary: The Roman Soldier’s Unofficial Manual. London: Thames & Hudson Ltd. 2009. Print.

Matyszak, Philip. Enemies of Rome: from Hannibal to Attila the Hun. London: Thames & Hudson Ltd. 2004. Print.

The Roman army started to form a new form of military ranks between the time of the late Republic and the time of Principate (753 BC to 476 AD). The Roman military was called a legion. “When recruits have been carefully selected who excel in mind and body, and after daily training for four or more months, a legion is formed by order and auspices of the invincible Emperor.” (Vegetius, page 34) In a legion, there are ten cohorts that are carefully selected by a person’s status. This includes family, honor, prestige, and money. The legion of the Roman army would fight primarily against the Germans and the Parthians. There were legions all throughout Europe and the map below are the legion camps that the Romans had settled into. (Wikipedia)

The head leader of a cohort was the legatus legionis but the second in command was the tribunus laticlavius. The laticlavius “broad-stripped tribune” was usually a younger gentleman whom was from one of the richest families in Rome and knew the legionary commander quite well (Wikipedia). The laticlavius was given the name because of the “broad purple striped tunic which contrasted the narrow stripe of the equestrian tribe.” (Maxfield)

The laticlavius was the typical rich, pretty boy who constantly asked the praefectus castrorum, the prefect, what to do or not do while he is guarding or actually on the senate. (Matyszak) If the legionis were to die in battle, the laticlavius took over the legion. (Wikipedia) However, usually the legionis did not die in battle, but was actually poisoned by a person from the cohort senate. Though the laticlavius was young and inexperienced, they were quick learners and had to take in charge quickly otherwise the cohort would not pay attention. They were trained to become commanders, and if there was a legionis before them, they were on the senate as guards and did not give a lot of orders or talk while in second command.

Works Citied

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tribunus_laticlavius

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roman_legion

Maxfield, Valerie http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Nuex2PW7QR0C&oi=fnd&pg=PA10&dq=tribunus+laticlavius&ots=FJVqBxAkIF&sig=XIhCrSOzotuNMFw5kwmQgF5bNto#v=onepage&q=tribunus%20laticlavius&f=false

Milnder, N.P. “Vegetius: Epitome of MilitaryScience.” Vegetius: Epitome of Military Scienc. Second RevisedEdition. Trowbridge, England: Redwood Book, 1996. Print.

Matyszak, Philip. Legionary: The Roman Soldier’s Unoffical Manual. New York, New YorkT: Thames and Hudson, 2009. 91.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Roman_Legions_camps_-_AD_80.png

Roman Currency (Wikipedia Contributors)

While there is a relative shortage of accurate information about the finances of the Imperial era, it is assumed that state expenditures of the Roman Empire were first and foremost devoted to military payments. It is estimated that these expenditures most likely accounted for half of the revenues of the Empire. Whatever these revenues may have been they were eaten up so quickly that often taxes were increased (or invented) depending on circumstances (Southern, 75-76).

For the average legionary, military life was not a life of great wealth, even though “[Roman] soldiers formed part of the rare salaried class in antiquity” (Bohec, 209). The appeal of legionary life did not lie in an opportunity to earn a large fortune, or even anything resembling affluence. Why then did so many young recruits volunteer for service under rather unappealing conditions? The answer lies in looking outside of the military: conditions of daily life were not much better. When under military service, a “[soldier] could…look forward to regular meals, pay, and free medical treatment form an army doctor” (Herz, 307). Each soldier’s level of pay was blatantly uneven and not dependent upon task difficulty or capability, but upon social status (Herz, 308).

Polybius provides the first indication of the amount of a legionary’s stipendium (pay that initially covered a six-month time period). He states that legionaries received two obols daily, centurions double, cavalrymen a whole drachma (Brunt). Polybius’s drachma is taken to mean the Roman denarius which is the equivalent of 10 asses (Brunt).

Denarii depicting various Roman Emperors (Wikipedia Contributors)

It has also been noted that the stipendium is not so much the equivalent of a modern day wage, but more a credit record to compensate for costs incurred by a legionary during the term of service, i.e. clothing, food and arms supplied by the Empire (Brunt). One example of deductions made for a soldier’s foodstuffs over the period of service indicated that “state deductions for provisions were usually higher than their cost, and that the state normally made a profit” (Herz, 311). The assumption has been made that generally, about two-thirds of a soldier’s gross income was kept back and remained under the control of the state (Herz, 311). Perhaps the most distinct example of pay deductions can be seen in a young recruit—with the necessary supply of weapons, clothing and food, a new legionary incurred a large deficit that could only be paid off after a few years of service (Herz, 314).

Although the costs of maintaining a functioning army were certainly the largest portion of the Roman budget, the political and economic benefits provided by the army’s existence cannot be translated into a financial figure. The stability and security provided by the army both internally and externally, as well as the valuable contributions to the infrastructure of the Roman Empire are astronomically important to the history of the Roman state, and “represented the largest organized and qualified work-force that was present throughout the empire” (Herz, 319). Though it was costly, the value of the Roman army was well worth the price required to sustain it.

Denarius of Marcus Aurelius (Wikipedia Contributors)

Works Cited:

Bohec, Yann Le. The Imperial Roman Army. Trans. Raphael Bate. Routledge, 2000. Print. 28 Feb. 2012.

Brunt. P. A. “Pay and Superannuation in the Roman Army.” Papers of the British School at Rome. Vol. 18. British School at Rome, 1950. Pg. 50-71. Web. 28 Feb. 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable40301480.

Herz, Peter. “Finances and Costs of the Roman Army.” A Companion to the Roman Army. Ed. Paul Erdkamp. Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. Web. 28 Feb. 2012. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/9780470996577.ch18/pdf

Southern, Pat. The Roman Army: A Social & Institutional History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. Print. 28 Feb. 2012.

Wikipedia contributors. “Denarius.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 27 Feb. 2012. Web. 28 Feb. 2012.

Wikipedia contributors. “Roman currency.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 24 Feb. 2012. Web. 28 Feb. 2012.

The Roman Army did not begin as a finely tuned fighting machine, but it did develop into one.  In the beginning it mostly consisted of Roman citizens who were farmers.  Part of the reason the leaders would choose the type of man for the legion is because they were in good physical condition because the work they did was physically demanding. In the beginning men would join part-time and then the men would return home after a summer of fighting.  Under the leadership of the Roman general Marius, the army began to be more of a profession (Gill, 2012).

The recruitment of soldiers was the foundation on which the army was built upon.  The plan for their training was geared specifically for the requirements of the work which they would be expected to do.  It would take great skill and courage to be able to leap into a trench or the opponent’s line of battle and engage in the type of combat the Romans were notorious for.  The length of time that a soldier would be in training would depend on his condition, skills, and how quickly he could master the tasks that would be required of him.  It was important for the recruits to be skillfully selected, learn to use and care for arms, be in top physical condition and strong.  In addition they had to learn about every situation they may encounter in battle and how to deal with it, as well as learn to obey orders (Stout, 1921).

  According to Vegetius the new recruits should be judged according to their strength as well as their moral characture.  He could see no benefit to training a coward.  They had strict requirements such as height (between 5’10” and 6 ft. at the minimum), good eyesight, muscular build, and long fingers.  Part of the process of becoming a soldier would be giving him a tattoo with the official mark, but the man would have to prove himself before he could truly become part of the military.  The potential soldier would have to prove his mobility and strength, as well as be able to learn to use weapons and prove he had self-confidence. After he proved himself, he would receive the mark and begin to learn the “science of arms” in his daily training (Vegetius, 1996).

The Romans were known for their ability to build military training camps.  This is where the training would take place.  It really didn’t matter if the site was a permanent installation or a place to stay for the night, the Roman military was good at it.  Vegetius wrote, “one could almost say that the Roman military carried a walled town with them were ever they went.”  New recruits would be trained in the art of building these camps as well as entrenchments (Davies, Breeze, & Maxfield, 1989).

Once the soldier was placed officially in training he would have to endure a rigorous routine of training to do many things.  Examples of things that the soldiers were required to be good at are: military step, both running and in jumping, swimming in case there was no bridge to cross a river.  They also had to train with wooden swords that were heavy and shields that were made of wicker.  They were also taught to use the point and not the edge when they were in combat, this way they would do more damage to their opponents.  They were also proficient at throwing javelins and using arrows, firing stones with slings, and using lead weighted darts.  They had to learn to vault onto horses.  This was done by practicing with wooden horses.  In addition to all of the things mentioned they were expected to carry about 60 pounds of equipment while they were marching in full armor (Vegetius, 1996).

All of this rigorous training was designed to give the soldier strength, courage, and the ability to face the enemy without fear, because the soldier would know that he was superior to his enemy.

The image below is a sketch of a what a Roman soldier may have looked like when he was getting ready to face his enemy.

http://ancienthistory.about.com/od/romeweapons/p/RomanArmy.htm

References

Davies, R., Breeze, D., & Maxfield, V. A. (1989). Service in the roman army. New York: Columbia University Press.

Gill, N. (2012). The roman army and the roman republic. Retrieved from About.com: http://ancienthistory.about.com/od/romeweapons/p/RomanArmy.htm

Stout. (1921). Training soldiers for the roman army. The Classical Journal, 16(7), 423-431. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3288082

Vegetius. (1996). Epitome of military science (2 ed.). (N. Milner, Trans.) Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.